Arbitrary detention of Christians in Houthi prisons

Yemen’s social and religious minorities have faced increasingly alarming changes since the outbreak of war and the seizure of the capital, Sana’a, by the Houthi movement -Ansar Allah- in September 2014. A country that once sustained a fragile but enduring religious mosaic, including Jews, Christians, and Baha’is alongside a Muslim majority of various traditions, is now witnessing what can only be described as the systematic eradication of that diversity.

Since late 2025 and into early 2026, a new wave of arbitrary detention and enforced disappearance has targeted Yemen’s Christian minority in particular. The pattern suggests more than isolated security measures. It appears to form part of a broader strategy to impose what the Houthis call a unified “faith identity” and eliminate any expression of religious or intellectual difference.

This policy cannot be separated from the group’s wider ambition to restructure state and society according to an ideological framework rooted in Iran’s concept of “Wilayat al-Faqih”, or the guardianship of the jurist. Within Houthi discourse, religious minorities are frequently portrayed as “soft instruments” of Western colonial influence. At the same time, escalating confrontation in the Red Sea has provided an additional pretext, with hostility towards foreign powers used to justify the pursuit of Yemeni citizens who have converted to Christianity, often under accusations of espionage or treason.

The winter campaign and the mechanics of repression

In late November and early December 2025, Houthi security bodies -most notably the Preventive Security Service and the Security and Intelligence Agency- launched a sweeping campaign targeting members of Yemen’s Christian minority. According to a source in Sana’a who spoke to The Beiruter, the operation was organised and deliberate, focusing on key population centres in Sana’a, Ibb, and Amran.

Testimonies gathered by local and international organisations, including Human Rights Watch, as well as accounts provided to The Beiruter, suggest that the arrests bore a closer resemblance to criminal abductions than lawful state procedures. Masked forces reportedly stormed homes late at night without identifying themselves or presenting judicial warrants. Doors were forced open, families were intimidated -sometimes violently- and detainees were taken to undisclosed locations.

According to the Sana’a source, the campaign escalated dramatically on 24 December 2025 -Christmas Eve- in what appeared to be a calculated effort to terrorise a minority already practising its faith largely in private. By mid-January 2026, and confirmed through mid-February, more than 62 Yemeni Christians had been detained. The National Council of Minorities in Yemen believes the true number may be higher, as fear has prevented many families from reporting disappearances.

Enforced disappearance lies at the heart of these violations. Once detained, individuals effectively vanish from the legal system. Authorities in Sana’a frequently deny holding them when questioned by relatives, leaving detainees beyond the protection of the law and raising serious concerns about torture aimed at extracting confessions of espionage or collaboration with foreign actors. The source urged Yemen’s internationally recognised government to escalate the matter through international channels.

“Faith identity” and the elimination of pluralism

The targeting of Christians is closely tied to what the Houthis describe as their “faith identity” project, intensified since 2019. This ideological framework merges a politicised interpretation of Zaydi Islam with revolutionary concepts drawn from Iran, seeking to create a society fully aligned with the movement’s leadership under Abdul Malik al-Houthi. Within this worldview, religious diversity is treated not as a social reality but as a form of ideological contamination.

One key instrument in enforcing this vision is the so-called Code of Professional Conduct, which requires public-sector employees -including minorities- to formally pledge loyalty to the Houthi religious and political doctrine. This is reinforced through compulsory “cultural courses”, often conducted in closed camps, where ideological indoctrination and religious intimidation are routine. For Christians, such an environment makes open religious practice almost impossible without risking detention, or worse.

A 2025 report by the United States Commission on International Religious Freedom documented more than 500 revisions to school curricula under Houthi authority. These changes included material explicitly inciting hostility towards Christians and Jews, portraying them as enemies of Islam and labelling them with terms such as “tools of Zionism” or “new crusaders”. This messaging extends beyond classrooms into sermons and official media, including Al-Masirah television, contributing to a social climate in which hostility towards minorities is normalised.

Educational reforms are complemented by ideological mobilisation. Children attending Houthi summer camps reportedly receive weapons training alongside doctrinal instruction that frames religious minorities as adversaries. Such practices risk embedding sectarian hostility into future generations.

The Houthis have also relied heavily on the Specialised Criminal Court -originally established for terrorism cases- which they have transformed into a political and religious instrument. In November 2025, the court issued death sentences against 17 individuals on espionage charges, accusations frequently used against those suspected of contact with international organisations or adherence to beliefs outside the Houthi framework.

Under Yemeni law as applied by Houthi authorities, apostasy carries the death penalty. Yet rather than prosecuting religious conversion directly, security agencies often combine religious accusations with allegations of espionage or collaboration. This tactic isolates detainees socially, branding them as traitors rather than religious dissenters.

Repression amid humanitarian collapse

Perhaps the starkest contradiction in Houthi governance lies in the contrast between extensive investment in internal security and the continued deterioration of Yemen’s humanitarian situation. Nico Jafarnia, Yemen researcher at Human Rights Watch, has noted that the authorities appear to prioritise detention even as millions face severe food insecurity.

The campaign has extended beyond Christians themselves. By early 2026, approximately 73 Yemeni employees of the United Nations had been arbitrarily detained. Authorities have reportedly justified these arrests by alleging that humanitarian work serves as a cover for spreading Western values or religious conversion.

The consequences have been severe. Aid operations have been disrupted, critical humanitarian programmes suspended, and hundreds of health facilities closed amid funding shortages and security pressure. Aid distribution itself has become politicised, with assistance often directed towards loyalist communities while minorities and perceived dissenters are excluded.

Meanwhile, substantial resources continue to be allocated to security bodies and ideological militias such as the Zainabiyat, a female paramilitary unit involved in home raids and surveillance. These operations are financed through religious levies and informal taxation imposed on businesses and organisations, strengthening the infrastructure of internal repression.