Hezbollah rocked by internal reshuffling

Recent developments within Hezbollah indicate that the organization is undergoing one of the most consequential structural transformations since its establishment in the early 1980s.

The resignation of Wafiq Safa, the long-serving head of the group’s Liaison and Coordination Unit, has drawn attention to deeper institutional, political, and security reforms unfolding within the group.

These changes appear to be shaped by the cumulative consequences of Hezbollah’s most recent confrontation with Israel, which resulted in significant leadership losses, as well as mounting domestic and international pressures.

Centralization of leadership and decision-making

One of the most prominent aspects of Hezbollah’s restructuring involves the consolidation of authority within the office of the Secretary-General, headed by Sheikh Naim Qassem. Traditionally, Hezbollah maintained a multi-layered institutional system in which executive bodies, particularly the Executive Council, handled administrative and operational matters, while the Secretary-General provided strategic guidance and overall direction.

Recent developments suggest that Qassem is seeking to establish more direct oversight over the group’s various institutions by linking administrative, political, and security structures more closely to the central leadership. This centralization appears designed to reinforce internal discipline and ensure uniformity in decision-making following the loss of several influential leaders who previously served as key intermediaries within the organization.

By strengthening centralized control, the new leadership may be attempting to safeguard organizational continuity and prevent internal fragmentation during a period of uncertainty.

Expanding the role of political leadership

A notable shift accompanying the restructuring process is the growing prominence of political figures within Hezbollah’s leadership structure, reflecting a gradual recalibration of the organization’s institutional identity. Historically, clerical leadership played a dominant role in shaping Hezbollah’s strategic and ideological direction. However, recent developments indicate a gradual shift toward increasing the influence of experienced political actors.

Among the most significant developments is the anticipated appointment of Member of Parliament (MP) Mohammad Raad, head of Hezbollah’s parliamentary bloc, as Deputy Secretary-General. Raad is widely regarded as one of the party’s most seasoned political figures and maintains longstanding ties with Qassem dating back to their earlier activism within the Islamic Da’wa Party. His expected promotion signals Hezbollah’s intention to strengthen its parliamentary engagement and enhance its political maneuverability within Lebanon’s complex sectarian and institutional framework.

Similarly, former minister and MP Mohammad Fneish is reportedly overseeing the Executive Council, where he has been tasked with reorganizing the group’s administrative and institutional apparatus. Sheikh Ali Daamoush is also believed to be assuming operational responsibilities within the council, supporting efforts to streamline internal governance. Hezbollah’s restructuring has also extended to its media and communication strategy.

Reports also suggest that the group has also established a centralized media authority under the supervision of MP Ibrahim Mousawi. This body is tasked with overseeing Hezbollah’s extensive network of media institutions and ensuring the consistency of official messaging.

The increasing visibility of political figures thus signals a broader institutional shift aimed at reinforcing Hezbollah’s political dimension alongside its traditional military and ideological roles.

Reconfiguration of security and liaison mechanisms

The departure of Wafiq Safa represents one of the most significant manifestations of Hezbollah’s internal restructuring. Safa had long played a central role in managing the group’s coordination with Lebanese security agencies and had developed extensive political and diplomatic networks through his involvement in sensitive negotiations, including prisoner exchanges and internal conflict mediation.

Reports indicate that Safa’s responsibilities had gradually diminished prior to his resignation, reflecting broader efforts to redefine the mandate of the Liaison and Coordination Unit. Historically, the unit exercised substantial influence by managing internal security disputes, coordinating with state institutions, and engaging in political communication with both domestic and external actors.

Under the new leadership framework, however, the unit’s role appears to have been significantly narrowed. Its responsibilities are reportedly limited to technical and security coordination with Lebanese security agencies, while political negotiations and external communications have been reassigned to senior political leadership.

In conclusion, Hezbollah’s ongoing internal restructuring represents a pivotal phase in the organization’s institutional evolution. The centralization of leadership authority, the rising influence of political figures, and the redefinition of security structures illustrate a calculated attempt to adapt to new strategic challenges. Although the long-term implications of these alterations remain uncertain, they highlight Hezbollah’s recognition of the need to recalibrate its internal framework in response to both internal disruptions and external pressures.