The Christian villages of the South face displacement

Lebanon’s southern border villages including Rmeish, Ain Ebel, Marjayoun and others have long stood as the country’s first line of defense. For generations, their residents have not viewed their homeland as a pawn in foreign agendas or a platform for cross-border power struggles. Instead, they have remained rooted in communities that have repeatedly found themselves on the front lines of regional conflict. Community leaders and families alike have found themselves consulting, making decisions and defending their towns, filling gaps left by fragile state institutions in a region that has endured decades of instability. Simultaneously, the Papal Nuncio in Lebanon, Monsignor Paolo Borgia, has scheduled a visit to these villages to show solidarity with their residents and encourage them to stay on their land, signaling sincere Vatican interest and commitment towards Christian communities in these border areas.

A priest who chose to stay

This comes a day after the death of Fr. Pierre al-Rahi, the Maronite parish priest of Qlayaa in the Marjayoun district, originally from the nearby village of Debel. The priest was killed when Israeli tank artillery struck a house in the village.

According to reports, the first shell wounded the homeowners. Fr. al-Rahi rushed to the site with neighbors to assist them when a second strike hit the house, fatally injuring him and wounding several others.

Fr. al-Rahi had previously refused Israeli evacuation orders, along with other clergy, choosing instead to remain with his parishioners despite the escalating violence. Speaking a day before his death, he underlined that the villagers’ presence was peaceful.

“We are forced to stay despite the danger when we defend our land. None of us carries weapons. All of us carry peace, goodness, and love,” he said.

His death has since come to symbolize the difficult position of southern communities caught between military escalation and their determination to remain rooted in their land.

Historical context

Southern Christian villages have long found themselves caught in regional conflicts despite their relatively small size.

During Lebanon’s civil war (1975–1990), these communities were exposed to clashes among multiple armed groups, including the South Lebanon Army (SLA), Palestinian factions and Shiite militias.

During the Israeli occupation and the security zone period (1985-2000), towns such as Marjayoun became strategic hubs, while villages including Rmeish, Ain Ebel and Debel faced periodic attacks, roadblocks and waves of displacement.

The 2006 Israel-Hezbollah war again brought airstrikes and artillery fire to these towns, forcing residents to flee and damaging infrastructure, though the communities largely survived as cohesive social units.

Despite these repeated challenges, the villages have demonstrated a notable resilience. Many residents point to the communities’ refusal to transform civilian neighborhoods into military zones as a key factor that helped prevent wider destruction. The sacrifice of local figures including priests and civic leaders has also helped anchor these communities through successive waves of conflict.

The Party, regional influence, and state absence

After Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000, Hezbollah consolidated its influence across the region. Backed by broad popular legitimacy, political cover from Lebanese authorities and favorable regional conditions linked to Iran’s growing influence, the group gradually reduced the Lebanese state’s presence in the South to a largely symbolic role.

Following the first “support war,” Hezbollah accepted a ceasefire but continued maneuvering on the ground while disregarding agreements and international resolutions, a pattern that persisted after the 2006 war and the adoption of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1701.

In the current “second support war,” which Lebanese critics say is directed by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Israeli strikes have targeted Hezbollah’s military infrastructure. The fighting has triggered unprecedented displacement across southern Lebanon and in areas under Hezbollah’s influence.

Christian communities along the border historically among the first lines of defense for Lebanon’s territorial and political identity have attempted to resist external pressures and preserve autonomy over their towns. For many residents, the divide is not primarily sectarian, but rather between villages aligned with the Lebanese state and those more deeply integrated into Hezbollah’s military and political structure.

Examples cited by residents include towns such as Alma al-Shaab and Qouzah, where destruction followed the presence or infiltration of Hezbollah operatives.

A war not of their choosing

In the end, the tragedy lies not only in people leaving their homes, but in the fact that they are leaving a war many say was never theirs to begin with.

For months, residents held on, determined to remain on their land despite fear, bombardment and uncertainty. Yet even the strongest attachment to home has limits.

Now, as families depart under military escort, what remains is a painful truth: ordinary people are once again paying the price for a war they did not choose.