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What countries lose when talent leaves

What countries lose when talent leaves

As wealthy economies compete for skilled workers, new research highlights what countries such as Lebanon stand to lose when their most educated workers take their labor, productivity and expertise abroad.

By The Beiruter | August 11, 2026
Reading time: 4 min
What countries lose when talent leaves

For economies able to attract the world's most educated workers, skilled immigration can be a powerful economic asset. The calculation looks very different from the perspective of the countries losing them.

A new analysis from the Penn Wharton Budget Model offers an indication of the value at stake. Its 2026 research estimates that exempting highly skilled STEM immigrants from U.S. green card caps, which limit employment-based permanent residency permits, would raise economic output by 4% by 2059 and average labor income by 2.9%, while reducing federal debt by 5.5%.

The gains do not come simply from adding more workers. The model attributes those gains not only to additional workers, but also to their effects on innovation, productivity, investment and public finances.

Viewed from the other end of the migration route, those findings raise a harder question. When an engineer, doctor or scientist moves abroad, how much economic value leaves with them?

Lebanon offers an especially stark case. Decades of emigration have connected its weak domestic labor market to wealthier economies abroad, leaving the country to weigh the value of lost human capital against one of its most important sources of income, its diaspora.


What a skilled worker is worth

The economic value of highly skilled workers extends beyond their individual labor. They can establish companies, pay taxes and contribute expertise that makes other workers and businesses more productive. Penn Wharton's model captures some of these spillover effects, finding that additional STEM workers would also increase productivity and encourage investment.

That dynamic extends far beyond the United States. The OECD's International Migration Outlook 2025 found that permanent labor migration fell 21% in 2024 to 934,000 people, but remained 32% above 2019 levels and 93% above 2015 levels.

Many destination countries are also becoming more deliberate about whom they attract. The OECD found that migration policies in 2024 and 2025 were being tailored toward specific labor shortages, including through higher skills thresholds and new pathways for skilled workers.

For countries losing those workers, the same movement represents an economic transfer in the opposite direction.


The global competition for workers

The demand is partly demographic. Wealthier economies with aging populations need workers, particularly in sectors where domestic labor supply has failed to keep pace with demand.

The International Migration Outlook 2025 provides one of the clearest examples in health care. Across OECD countries, the share of doctors who are migrants rose from 21% to 28% over two decades, even as governments continued investing in domestic medical training.

Countries able to attract foreign workers can therefore gain an advantage as their populations age. A 2025 study by researchers affiliated with the Harvard Growth Lab examined immigration across 148 countries and found that greater openness was associated with lower old-age dependency ratios and slower real wage growth, evidence the researchers say suggests immigration can ease labor and skill shortages.

The result is an international competition in which one country's brain drain can become another country's solution to labor scarcity.


Lebanon's shrinking labor market

Lebanon illustrates the other side of that exchange particularly starkly.

Lebanon's labor market was already weak before renewed conflict in March 2026. The International Labour Organization's June 2026 report, Lebanon's Labour Market in Crisis, found a chronic inability to generate sufficient productive employment. The private sector accounts for 81% of employment, making its health critical to workers deciding whether they can build careers in the country. 

Conditions deteriorated further after the conflict resumed. In a May survey of 2,485 previously employed workers, 33% were no longer working. Average labor income among those still employed fell 14.8%, while the ILO estimated an overall decline of 40.4% after accounting for those who lost their jobs

Even finding another job offered limited protection. Workers who changed jobs earned an average of 30.7% less than in their previous positions, while 61.3% of those finding new work entered informal employment.


The remittance paradox

Emigration, however, does not sever a worker's economic relationship with the country left behind.

Lebanon demonstrates why brain drain cannot simply be counted as a loss. World Bank data show that remittances were equivalent to 33.3% of GDP in 2023, while net migration stood at minus 10,230 people in 2025.

The workers Lebanon loses can therefore become a source of income from abroad. Emigration removes doctors, engineers and entrepreneurs from the country's productive base while generating income for families who remain. Remittances can support household consumption, education and health care, but they cannot replace a surgeon in a hospital or an entrepreneur employing workers at home.

The economic cost of brain drain is therefore not simply the number of people who leave. It is the difference between the value they would have created had they remained and the value they continue to send back.

As wealthier, aging economies compete for skilled workers, that calculation will become more consequential for the countries producing them. Lebanon's diaspora is both one of its greatest economic resources and evidence of how much productive capacity its economy has struggled to retain.


    • The Beiruter