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Hezbollah’s bourgeois mutation

Hezbollah’s bourgeois mutation

From revolutionary origins to corrupt elite class, Hezbollah’s transformation exposed vulnerabilities exploited during recent conflict.

By Marwan El Amine | December 08, 2025
Reading time: 4 min
Hezbollah’s bourgeois mutation

The recent war laid bare the extent of the disarray within Hezbollah across multiple levels most critically within its security apparatus. This security breakdown did not emerge in a vacuum; it was the product of a constellation of factors that collectively eroded the organization’s internal security structure and enabled Israel to penetrate it, reaching deep into Hezbollah’s leadership ranks and even its secretary-general, Hassan Nasrallah.

At the heart of this deterioration lies a transformation within Hezbollah itself: a significant portion of its leaders and officials shifted from a “revolutionary” ethos to forming a powerful internal bourgeois class.

This corrupted bourgeois class is thus a central factor behind Hezbollah’s current security unravelling. The now-infamous purchase of compromised “Pagers” stands as one of the clearest manifestations of this decay an instance where the pursuit of profit and personal gain was placed above the most basic security considerations.

It is essential to return to Hezbollah’s foundational beginnings and trace its trajectory through the key turning points that shaped its evolution. Only then can we fully understand how the organization transformed from a revolutionary movement into a corrupted bourgeois entity.

From the moment the Islamic Revolution in Iran succeeded in consolidating its power, it became evident that its ambitions extended far beyond the country’s borders. Ayatollah Khomeini’s early call to “export the revolution” was an explicit signal that the new regime sought to project its influence across the region.

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps soon arrived in Lebanon, specifically in the Bekaa Valley, where they began assembling and training local groups. These groups would become the foundational nucleus of Hezbollah. Alongside the military and organizational empowerment of these fighters, an uncompromising, militant ideological doctrine took root one that elevates self-sacrifice for the cause of the “Ummah of the Supreme Leader” and recognizes only the authority of the Wilayat al-Faqih, dismissing national borders, Lebanese constitutional authority, and state laws.

Hezbollah emerged as a revolutionary jihadist movement defined by asceticism, disdain for worldly privilege, and the centrality of sacrifice as both a political and religious virtue. This early image granted the party a unique moral authority within the Shiites community, whose members saw in its fighters a model of devotion and selfless commitment.

The death of the son of Hezbollah’s then Secretary-General, Hassan Nasrallah, in a confrontation with Israel marked a turning point in the party’s trajectory. Many viewed the act of a leader sending his own son to the frontlines without exemption or special treatment—as the ultimate badge of credibility. The event significantly strengthened the party’s standing among Shiites and reinforced the narrative of sacrifice that Hezbollah had championed since its inception. For many, no gesture could more powerfully affirm the authenticity of its rhetoric.

Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000 was arguably the most pivotal moment in Hezbollah’s history. It catapulted the party to a level of popularity that transcended the Shiites base, resonating across Lebanese sects and even the broader Arab world.

Throughout its rise, Hezbollah was not entirely immune to corruption. Yet, for a period, such corruption remained relatively contained and tied to its political and military project. That changed after 2000, when Israel’s withdrawal left the party with no active military role on its southern front. A new phase began one in which corruption increasingly served personal interests rather than collective strategic goals.

The period following the 2006 war marked the peak of increase in personal wealth within Hezbollah’s ranks. Large sums of money flowed into the party for reconstruction, placing unprecedented financial resources in the hands of its officials. This period witnessed the conspicuous emergence of a new wealthy class within Hezbollah one did not limit to top-tier leaders but extending to regional and local commanders.

After 2006, numerous Hezbollah officials entered business, trade, and various investment sectors. Many also forged partnerships with smugglers along the Lebanese Syrian border and with narcotics traffickers. This transformation from a movement built on sacrifice and asceticism to one harbouring an empowered bourgeois class enriched through illicit activities created vulnerabilities that Israeli intelligence services, including Mossad, exploited to infiltrate the party’s security and military apparatus. The result was the elimination of a significant portion of Hezbollah’s leadership and the destruction of much of its military structure during the most recent conflict.

Hezbollah thus stands as an example of ideological movements whose internal evolution from “revolutionary” to “bourgeois” ultimately sets the stage for their own unravelling.

    • Marwan El Amine